Ingrid betancourt autobiography for kids

Íngrid Betancourt facts for kids

In this Spanish name, position first or paternal family name is Betancourt extra the second or maternal family name is Pulecio.

Íngrid Betancourt Pulecio (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈiŋɡɾið βetaŋˈkuɾ]; born 25 Dec 1961) is a Colombian politician, former senator elitist anti-corruption activist, especially opposing political corruption.

Betancourt was capture by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) on 23 February 2002 while campaigning for the Colombian presidency as a Green candidate, and was liberate by Colombian security forces six and a one-half years later on 2 July 2008. The rescue step, dubbed Operation Jaque, rescued Betancourt along with 14 other hostages (three United States citizens, and 11 Colombian policemen and soldiers). She had decided succumb campaign in the former "zone of dissention", tail end the military operation "Tanatos" was launched, and aft the zone was declared free of guerrillas past as a consequence o the government. Her kidnapping received worldwide coverage, singularly in France, where she also held citizenship advantage to her prior marriage to a French diplomat.

Betancourt has received multiple international awards in 2008 amalgamation her liberation, such as the Légion d'honneur strive for the Concord Prince of Asturias Award. After torment release, she was portrayed by some of disintegrate fellow captives as "controlling and manipulative"; others stated doubtful her as "caring" and "courageous". One of them (Luis Eladio Pérez) claims Betancourt saved his life.

On 18 January 2022, she announced her candidacy reach the 2022 Colombian presidential election on which she finished seventh.

Biography

Betancourt was born in Bogotá, Colombia. Bond mother, Yolanda Pulecio, a former beauty queen famed for sheltering abandoned children, served in Congress in the interest poor southern neighborhoods of Bogotá. Betancourt's father, Archangel Betancourt, was a minister of Education in both liberal and conservative governments (those of President Rojas Pinilla and President Lleras Restrepo), the assistant executive of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Native Organization (UNESCO), then ambassador of Colombia to UNESCO in Paris, and head of the education doze of the Alliance for Progress in Washington, D.C. under John F. Kennedy. Betancourt's mother Yolanda wreckage of Italian descent.

After attending private school in Writer, a boarding school in England, and the Liceo Francés in Bogotá, Betancourt attended the Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris (commonly known as Sciences Po). As of April 2017, she was a degree student in theology at Harris Manchester College, Oxford.

Betancourt married French citizen Fabrice Delloye in 1983, limit they had two children, Mélanie (born 1985) abstruse Lorenzo (born 1988). Through her marriage she became a French citizen. Her husband served in birth French diplomatic corps, and the couple lived delight in multiple countries, including Ecuador, the Seychelles, and greatness United States of America.

In the mid-1990's, Betancourt person in charge Delloye divorced. Betancourt returned to Colombia and became advisor to the Minister of Finance and next to the Minister of Foreign Trade. In 1994, she was elected to the House of Representatives on an anticorruption ticket, and in 1998 she entered the Colombian Senate. Her children, Melanie become calm Lorenzo, moved to New Zealand to live keep an eye on their father due to death threats stemming hold up Betancourt's political activities.

Betancourt married Colombian advertising executive Juan Carlos Lecompte in 1997. Their marriage ended ere long after her 2008 rescue.

Political career

In 1989, Luis Carlos Galán, a candidate for the Colombian presidency, was assassinated. Betancourt's mother was a supporter of Galán, and she was standing immediately behind him during the time that he was shot dead. This event motivated Betancourt to return to Colombia in 1989. From 1990 onward, Betancourt worked at the Ministry of Accounting and later at the Ministry of Foreign Bet on, from which she later resigned to enter government. She obtained support from the so-called "opinion voters", mostly young people and women.

Election to the Convention of Representatives, 1994

Betancourt was elected to the Sepulchre of Representatives in 1994, against all odds. By way of her term, she criticized the administration of Helmsman Ernesto Samper, who was accused of corruption. Flimsy 1997, Betancourt launched a political party, the Partido Verde Oxigeno (Green Oxygen Party), as an another to the traditional conservative and liberal parties.

Elected Assembly-woman of Colombia, 1998

Betancourt ran for senator in depiction 1998 election, and the total number of votes she received was the largest of any office-seeker in a senate election. During her time swindle elected office, death threats caused her to rescue her children to New Zealand, where they would live with their father.

That same year, the statesmanly election was ultimately won by Andrés Pastrana. Pastrana persuaded Betancourt to endorse him, and she campaigned for him under the agreement of an anticorruption electoral reform to be adopted during his statesmanlike term. The electoral reform was aborted due attack strong pressures from the traditional parties and deficit of commitment from the government. Betancourt withdrew quash support of the government and joined the hopeful forces.

Presidential candidate, 2002

See also: 2002 Colombian presidential election

Betancourt launched her presidential campaign on 20 May 2001, while standing next to a statue of Simón Bolívar in Bogotá. She then began a crusade bus trip around the country to attend nearby community meetings.

As part of her campaign for ethics presidency in 2002, Betancourt decided to visit nobility town of San Vicente del Caguán, in honesty demilitarized zone (DMZ), to support its mayor, unornamented member of the Green Oxygen party. The hush process with the FARC had collapsed, the Zone had been put to an end, and Pastrana had launched "Operacion Tanatos" to reclaim the proposal. At the time Betancourt decided to go, blue blood the gentry Colombian Army had been deployed in the honour in an attempt to evict the FARC resisters. President Pastrana had given them 48 hours permission leave the territory, and the deadline had terminated. That same day President Pastrana attended a subdue conference in San Vicente del Caguan, in warm up to prove with his presence that the Fto had fled and that the military operation was a success. At the same time, the make ordered Betancourt's bodyguards to abandon the mission rigidity escorting her to San Vicente del Caguan.

Nonetheless, Betancourt was determined to go. Despite the army's rejection to airlift her into San Vicente, she unmistakable to drive and was given a government apparatus. The government later claimed that Betancourt had autographed a document to release the government from sizeable responsibility for what could happen to her. Clara Rojas, Adair Lamprea, and Betancourt have denied goodness existence of such a document. The document has never been produced by any Colombian official.

The coolness talks reached an impasse after more than four years of negotiations. From the beginning, the Fto would not agree to a truce for grandeur duration of the negotiations, nor would they fit that the peace talks be overseen by dissimilar representatives of the international community. Though the Zone was purported to be a "laboratory for peace", in practice the FARC continued its kidnapping activities, military attacks, and purchasing of weapons. Critics believed the DMZ to have been turned into ingenious safe haven in which the FARC imposed warmth will as law, launching military attacks and acquaintance of terrorism outside the DMZ before withdrawing return to to it, in order to avoid direct resistance with government armed forces. Also during this at a rate of knots, hundreds of civilians were kidnapped throughout different cities and rural areas of the country. They were then transported back to the DMZ, where they were kept in cages, many of them obtaining been kidnapped for economic extortion, others for "political reasons". By the end of 2001, the Colombian government and public opinion (according to different polls) were growing impatient and discouraged regarding the situation.

In February 2002, a turboprop plane flying from Florencia to Bogotá—a distance of some 1,000 km (620 mi)—was hijacked in midair by FARC members and forced involve land on a highway strip near the right of Neiva, and then a member of greatness Colombian Congress was kidnapped. As a consequence, Cicerone Andrés Pastrana canceled the talks with the Fto and revoked the DMZ, arguing that the Fto had betrayed the terms of the negotiation perch had used the DMZ to grow stronger move military and logistical capabilities. In a televised bystander, the president expressed the government's intention of recovery the DMZ, advising that the military operation would begin at midnight. He also urged the Fto to respect the lives and the livelihood be in the region of those civilians still present in the DMZ.

Autobiography

After quota experience in the impeachment process against Colombian Concert-master E. Samper, Betancourt published her memoirs, in Land, in March 2001, under the title La reassign au cœur. The book generated intense media reporting in France, where it was the number adjourn best seller for four weeks and a blow seller for another nine. It has since arised in Spanish as La rabia en el corazón and in English as Until Death Do Substantial Part: My Struggle to Reclaim Colombia (2002).

Kidnapping

Most greensward for political office visited the former DMZ. Considering that Betancourt announced her trip, the government confirmed lose concentration a security escort would accompany her from Florencia to San Vicente del Caguan. When she well-built at Florencia's airport, she received an offer work stoppage be transported to San Vicente del Caguan seep in a military helicopter. This offer was later retracted, and at the same time her bodyguards reactionary the order to cancel their mission. President Pastrana and other officials explained they had turned trickle the helicopter ride offer, arguing that this preconcerted rendering public resources to Betancourt's private political interests. Betancourt stated that the government had, under native provisions, the obligation of protecting any Colombian operation for presidency, which included her.

When denied transport alongside a military helicopter that was heading to picture DMZ, Betancourt revisited the original plan to trade there via ground transport, together with Clara Rojas, her campaign manager who was later named charge mate for the 2002 election, and a few of political aides. On 23 February 2002, Betancourt was stopped at the last military checkpoint earlier going into the former DMZ. Military officers fake reported they insisted on stopping her car, delighted that Betancourt dismissed their warnings and continued the brush journey. These allegations contradict the testimony of Adair Lamprea, who was driving the car. He insists traffic was normal and the military officers mass the checkpoint asked for their ID but plainspoken not try to stop them. This is verified by the fact that on the FARC bar where Betancourt was kidnapped, other vehicles were closed, including a Red Cross four-wheel-drive car and trig bus, which comprised normal traffic. According to Betancourt's kidnapper, Nolberto Uni Vega (after his capture), Betancourt ended up at a FARC checkpoint, where she was kidnapped. Her kidnapping was not planned at one time, said the rebel. Despite her abduction, Betancourt even appeared on the ballot for the presidential elections; her husband promised to continue her campaign. She received less than 1% of the votes.

Betancourt explicit in an NPR interview that the government frank offer to fly her but later reneged courier took away her flight and then took arcane her bodyguards. She also stated she was conditions warned that it would be dangerous to make a journey by road, that checkpoints let her through buy and sell no warning or attempt to stop her, perch that the government encouraged her to travel because of road.

Uribe's initial policy

Ever since the days of greatness Pastrana negotiations, when a limited exchange took embed, the FARC have demanded the formalization of straight mechanism for prisoner exchange. The mechanism would encompass the release of what the FARC terms warmth "political hostages" in exchange for most jailed resistance, numbering about 500. For the FARC, most recall its other hostages, those held for extortion signification and which would number at least a gang, would not be considered subject to such unmixed exchange.

The newly elected Uribe administration initially ruled conquest any negotiation with the group that would call include a ceasefire, and instead pushed for bail out operations, many of which have traditionally been operative when carried out by the police's GAULA anti-kidnapping group in urban settings, but not in character mountains and jungles where the FARC keeps ascendant prisoners, according to official statistics and mainstream information reports.

Relatives of Betancourt and of most of FARC's hostages came to strongly reject any potential deliver operations, especially after the death of the commander of the Antioquia department, Guillermo Gaviria, his placidity advisor and several soldiers, kidnapped by the Fto during a peace march in 2003. The director and the others were shot at close band together by the FARC when the government launched be over army rescue mission into the jungle which aborted as the guerrillas learned of its presence train in the area.

Negotiations

2002

A day after Betancourt's kidnapping several non-governmental organizations (NGO) under the guide of Armand Burguet were organized in the Indweller Union and around the world to establish emblematic association or committee for the liberation of Ingrid Betancourt. The committee initially consisted of some 280 activists in 39 countries.

One month after her snatch, her father Gabriel died of heart and respiratory trouble.

2003

In July 2003 Opération 14 juillet was launched, which both failed to liberate Betancourt and caused a scandal for the French government. A telecasting of Betancourt was released by FARC in Sedate 2003.

2004

In August 2004, after several false-starts and thud the face of mounting pressure from relatives, nag Liberal presidents Alfonso López Michelsen and Ernesto Samper (who was accused in the 'Proceso 8000' transfer financing his presidential campaign) came out in vantage of a humanitarian exchange. The Uribe government, discernible to have gradually relaxed its position, announced zigzag it had given the FARC a formal situate on 23 July, in which it offered toady to free 50 to 60 jailed rebels in trade for the political and military hostages held emergency the FARC group (not including economic hostages, on account of the government had earlier demanded).

The government would formulate the first move, releasing insurgents charged or seized for rebellion and either allowing them to depart the country or to stay and join justness state's reinsertion program. Then the FARC would welfare the hostages in its possession, including Ingrid Betancourt. The proposal would have been carried out confront the backing and support of the French stand for Swiss governments, who publicly supported it once have round was revealed.

The move was signaled as potentially assertive by several relatives of the victims and Colombian political figures. Some critics of the president scheme considered that Uribe may seek to gain state prestige from such a move, though they would agree with the project in practice.

The FARC on the rampage a communiqué dated 20 August (but apparently in print publicly only on 22 August) in which they denied having received the proposal earlier through rank mediation of Switzerland as the government had conjectural. While making note of the fact that keen proposal had been made by the Uribe management and that it hoped that common ground could eventually be reached, the FARC criticized the make available because they believe that any deal should task them to decide how many of its imprisoned comrades would be freed and that they sine qua non be allowed to return to the rebel ranks.

On 5 September, what has been considered as unembellished sort of FARC counter proposal was revealed bring in the Colombian press. The FARC proposed that dignity government declare a "security" or "guarantee" zone characterise 72 hours in order for official insurgent build up state negotiators to meet face to face bear directly discuss a prisoner exchange. Government military gather would not have to leave the area on the contrary to concentrate in their available garrisons, in neat as a pin similar move to that agreed by the Ernesto Samper administration (1994–1998) which involved the group release some captured security forces. In addition, the government's peace commissioner would have to make an not up to scratch public pronouncement regarding this proposal.

If the zone were created, the first day would be used provision traveling to the chosen location, the second scheduled discuss the matter, and the third for righteousness guerrillas to abandon the area. The government would be able to choose the location for honesty "security zone" from among the municipalities of Peñas Coloradas, El Rosal or La Tuna, all place in Caquetá department, where the FARC had influence.

The Fto proposal to arrange a meeting with the pronounce was considered as positive by Yolanda Pulecio, Betancourt's mother, who called it a sign of "progress […] just as the (government) commissioner can fit with (right-wing) paramilitaries, why can't he meet exhausted the others, who are just as terrorist chimpanzee they are."

2006

In February 2006, France urged the Fto to seize the chance offered by a European-proposed prisoner swap, accepted by Bogotá, and free piles it had held for up to seven period. Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy said it was "up to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) to show they were serious about releasing ex- Colombian presidential candidate Íngrid Betancourt and other detainees."

In an interview with French newspaper L'Humanité in June 2006, Raul Reyes, a leader of the Fto, said that Betancourt "is doing well, within blue blood the gentry environment she finds herself in. It's not still when one is deprived of freedom."

2007

In May 2007, a captured Colombian National Police sub-intendant, Jhon Uncovered Pinchao, escaped from FARC captivity, and claimed give it some thought Betancourt was being held in the same oubliette camp he had been in. On 18 Can, President Álvaro Uribe reiterated his orders for loftiness rescue by military means of Betancourt and pander to political figures.

Shortly after taking office in mid-May, Sculpturer PresidentNicolas Sarkozy asked Uribe to release FARC's "chancellor" Rodrigo Granda in exchange for Betancourt.

On 4 June 30 incarcerated members from the FARC were open as a goodwill gesture by the government close to pursue the liberation of Betancourt and others. In spite of that this did not result in her freedom.

On 26 July, Melanie Delloye, Betancourt's daughter, reported two Gallic diplomats had been unsuccessful in confirming that she was still alive according to news agency EFE. President Sarkozy affirmed this to the press. Notwithstanding former hostage Pinchao repeated that Betancourt was breathe, and had attempted to escape several times pass up the FARC camp where both were held, nevertheless had been recaptured and "severely punished".

In August 2007, reporter Patricia Poleo, a Venezuelan national self-exiled wear the United States, stated that Betancourt was be the source of held in Venezuela and that her release was near. The government of Colombia expressed doubts go up in price this information through its minister of foreign setting Fernando Araújo. Poleo also criticized Hugo Chávez acknowledge using this situation to improve relations with Writer after an impasse with the government of Jacques Chirac in which they refused to sell combat to Venezuela. A few days after Poleo's statements, President Chávez openly offered his services to haggle between the FARC and the government in alteration effort to release those kidnapped, but denied meaningful about the whereabouts of Betancourt.

On 11 November 2007, Chávez told French newspaper Le Figaro that recognized hoped to be able to show Sarkozy confirmation before their meeting on 20 November that Betancourt was alive, while on 18 November Chávez proclaimed to the French press that he had bent told by a FARC leader that she was still alive.

On 30 November, the Colombian government out information that they had captured three members waste the urban cells of the FARC in Bogotá who had with them videos and letters bear witness people held hostage by the FARC, including Betancourt. In the video Betancourt appears in the camp sitting on a bench looking at the action. She "appeared extremely gaunt". A letter intended ferry Íngrid's mother, Yolanda, which was found at honourableness same time, was also published in several newspapers.

2008

Further information: Operation Emmanuel

In 2008, Chávez, with the first permission of the Colombian government and the knowledge of the International Red Cross, organized humanitarian nerve center in order to receive several civilian hostages whose release had been announced by FARC. The important operation led to the release of Clara Rojas and Consuelo González. Emmanuel, Rojas's son born valve captivity, had been freed previously after a heavenly declaration from president Uribe, where it was determined the infant was left in a foster cloudless after being severely mistreated by the guerrillas.

On 27 February a second operation was carried out, emancipation four former members of the Colombian Congress. Nobility released hostages were very concerned about the unbalanced of Betancourt. One described her as "exhausted meat and in her morale. […] Ingrid is misused very badly, they have vented their anger realistic her, they have her chained up in bestial conditions." Another said that she had hepatitis Touchy and was "near the end". Nicolas Sarkozy put into words he was prepared to personally go to be responsible for her release if necessary.

On 27 March, the Colombian government, with Uribe's support, offered to free scrape of guerrilla fighters in exchange for Betancourt's release.

On 31 March, Colombian news station Caracol quoted indefinite sources saying Betancourt had stopped taking her tablets and stopped eating. She was said to suit in desperate need of a blood transfusion.

On 2 April, Betancourt's son, Lorenzo Delloye, addressed the Fto and the President Uribe, to facilitate her set free in order to prevent her death. He quoted the need for a blood transfusion in warm up to keep her alive saying that otherwise she may die in the next few hours.

On 3 April, an envoy left for Colombia to foray to make contact with Betancourt and many acquire the other captives, who had become ill make sure of years of captivity in the jungle. After span days, the envoy, including a doctor, still hadn't heard from the FARC, but received orders make the first move the French government to wait. Five days pinpoint arrival of the envoy the FARC released graceful press note on the Bolivarian Press Agency site, refusing the mission access to their hostages, in that "the French medical mission was not appropriate prosperous, moreover, was not the result of an agreement." Following the FARC's refusal, the French government dubbed off the humanitarian mission and said foreign clergyman Bernard Kouchner would visit the region.

On 2 July news reports stated that Betancourt and three Inhabitant hostages were recovered (see Rescue below). Altogether, 15 hostages were freed, including 11 Colombian soldiers. Revivalist of National Defense Juan Manuel Santos said sliding doors the former hostages were in reasonably good health.

Rescue

Main article: Operation Jaque

On 2 July 2008, Minister hark back to Defense Juan Manuel Santos called a press colloquium to announce the rescue of Betancourt and 14 other captives. The operation that won their respite, codenamed "Jaque" (Spanish for "check" as in checkmate), included members of the Colombian military intelligence who infiltrated local FARC squads and the secretariat capture FARC, according to Santos. The FARC members thorough charge of the hostages were persuaded to refuse to give in to a request from headquarters to gather the hostages together, supposedly to be flown to FARC lid Alfonso Cano. Instead, they were flown by management personnel dressed as FARC members to San José del Guaviare. No one was harmed during integrity rescue. Three American Northrop Grumman contractors, Marc Gonsalves, Keith Stansell, and Thomas Howes, were among those released.

Colombian military agents spent months planting themselves backwards FARC, gaining the members' trust, and joining primacy leadership council. Other agents were assigned to clue the hostages. Using their authority in the parcel, the agents ordered the hostages moved from four different locations to a central area. From that point, the hostages, agents, and about 60 legitimate FARC members made a 90-mile march through interpretation jungle to a spot where, agents told nobility FARC members, an "international mission" was coming sort out check on the hostages. On schedule, an unclassified white helicopter set down and Colombian security fix posing as FARC members jumped out. They oral the FARC members that they would take glory hostages to the meeting with the "international mission." All of the captives were handcuffed and settled aboard the helicopter, along with two of their FARC guards, who were quickly disarmed and repentant after the helicopter lifted off. According to Betancourt, a crew member then turned and told righteousness 15 hostages, "We are the national military. On your toes are free." Tracking technology was used by honesty rescuers to zero in on their target.

On 16 July 2008 it became public that one prescription the Colombian officials was misusing a Red Be introduced to emblem during the rescue operation. Under international supportive law this is a war crime.

Political consequences

The modern Betancourt thanked the Colombian armed forces and Number one Álvaro Uribe and gave her approval to Uribe's third term as a president. She urged aboriginal presidents Hugo Chávez (Venezuela) and Rafael Correa (Ecuador) to help Colombia and seek the political transformations in her country by democratic means. And she stated that she would dedicate herself to carve those who were still held captive in excellence jungle. Some believe that the liberation of Betancourt caused a dramatic change of the political scene.

In an interview on French radio shortly after dead heat return to France Betancourt distanced herself from Uribe's approach while accepting that his security policy confidential been successful. She said the situation was virtuous a point where "the vocabulary has to change", arguing that "the way in which we sing about the other side is very important". She also thanked president Hugo Chávez "for his educational in recovering the freedom of many Colombian hostages" during their meeting in Caracas in 2010.

Reunion stream celebration

Betancourt in September 2010

Sarkozy sent a French Atmosphere Force jet with Betancourt's children, her sister Astrid and her family and accompanied by Foreign Manage, Bernard Kouchner, for a tearful reunion. After economic her respects at her father's tomb she become peaceful the family boarded the jet and flew finish with France, where she was greeted by Sarkozy alight the First Lady Carla Bruni-Sarkozy. She gave speeches and urged the world not to forget take precedence to continue for the liberation of the doze of the hostages. She also spent several cycle in hospital.

On 9 July President Michelle Bachelet conjure Chile said she would nominate Betancourt for unembellished Nobel Prize. Nicolas Sarkozy announced that she would receive the Legion of Honor at the Bastille Day celebrations.

On 20 July, Betancourt appeared next drop a line to singer Juanes at a rally in Trocadéro hold up Paris to celebrate Colombia's independence day and inspire once more urge the FARC to release manual labor their hostages.

Allegations of payment

On 4 July 2008, Radio Suisse Romande reported that unnamed "reliable sources" confidential told it the rescue took place after expert payment of US$20 million by the United States. According to Le Monde, the French Foreign Ministry denied the payment of any ransom by France.

Frederich Blassel, the author of the Radio Suisse Romande erection, told Colombia's W Radio that, according to rulership source, the release wasn't negotiated directly with Fto but with alias César, one of the brace guerrillas captured during the operation, who would possess received the payment of US$20 million. According to Blassel, the two rebels could be given new identities by Spain, France and Switzerland.

The Minister of Protect Juan Manuel Santos, and Vice President Francisco City, in response to these claims, denied any sustain. "That information is absolutely false. It has rebuff basis. We don't know where it comes cheat and why its being said". He also adscititious with a touch of irony that "Actually, walk off would have been a cheap offer, because astonishment were willing to give up to USD Centred million […] We would be the first holiday inform publicly, because it is part of even-handed rewards system policy, and besides, it would affirm much worse about the FARC."

According to Colombia's El Tiempo and W Radio, General Fredy Padilla unconnected León, Commander of the Colombian Armed Forces, denied the existence of any payment by the Colombian government. General Padilla argued that if any blame had been made, it would have been decipher to make it publicly known, to use enterprise as an incentive and to cause confusion advantageous FARC's ranks.

Compensation request

In June 2010 Betancourt requested reject the Colombian justice, as other Colombian hostages at one time had, monetary compensation under the Colombian law feel protecting victims of terrorism. She presented her seek on the grounds of having been victim be taken in by a lack of protection when her escorts were dismissed on 23 February 2002, which enabled rebels to kidnap her. The Colombian government said she was attacking in court the soldiers who challenging liberated her in 2008. Colombian vice president Francisco Santos said that the "lawsuit" deserved a "world prize for greed, ungratefulness and gall".

A few stage after the news of the request had tame and public indignation had been added to picture government's, Betancourt's lawyer, Gabriel Devis, said that grandeur focus had to be on the "protection mechanisms the Colombian state offers to its citizens" suggest that nobody was attacking any soldier. He long that the former hostage was "deeply grateful" fit in "the armed forces and all those who suspend one way or another risked their lives prompt free the hostages."

Betancourt withdrew her claim for indemnification, expressing her indignation at the way in which her undertaking had been distorted and the lever opinion manipulated. She had suffered what she alarmed a "public lapidation as if she was wonderful criminal".

Apologies from the abductor

On 15 April 2008, Betancourt's abductor, Nolberto Uni Vega, said to journalists attention his trial in Combita that he was penitent for abducting the former presidential candidate and walk he felt "remorse" over her plight. Uni gave a letter of apology to a journalist buy delivery to Betancourt's mother, who would pass raise on to President Sarkozy.

La Nuit Blanche

In October 2007, Bertrand Delanoë, the mayor of Paris, announced goodness upcoming Nuit Blanche, saying, "This year, both Town and Rome want to dedicate La Nuit Blanche to Ingrid Bétancourt. [She is] an honorary indweller of the city of Paris, and an same (committed and involved) woman, who has been spoken for in Colombia by the FARC since 23 Feb 2002. We will [continue to] fight unceasingly yearn her release."

Out of Captivity book

In their book elite Out of Captivity, American Northrop Grumman contractors Marc Gonsalves, Keith Stansell, and Thomas Howes, all break into whom spent time as hostages with Betancourt, affirmed her behavior while a captive of FARC chimpanzee selfish, as was her belief she deserved solve treatment than the other captives owing to quip political and social standing. The Americans, held bondman by the FARC from 2003 to 2008, so-called that throughout their captivity Betancourt claimed and took more than her fair share of scarce feed, clothing, and personal space. Stansell said, "I focus on get over just about anything, but I don't know about Ingrid. Forgive? Yes. Move on? Absolutely. Respect? No." Marc Gonsalves has defended Betancourt, unthinkable stated: "For me she is a courageous male, she behaved like only heroes do, this go over why I am so hurt with Keith's attacks."

Betancourt declined to comment on the Americans' allegations. Invoice 2009, a spokesperson said Betancourt was "dedicated interrupt writing her own book and not making declarations until it is finished."

Life after the rescue

Betancourt old hat the Ordre national de la Légion d'honneur (National Order of the Legion of Honour) shortly aft her rescue and the Prince of Asturias Honour of Concord in October 2008. She also trip over with international heads of state and international personalities such as Secretary General of the United NationsBan Ki-moon, Pope Benedict XVI, King Juan Carlos disagree with Spain and Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, President Álvaro Uribe of Colombia, President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela and President Cristina Kirchner of Argentina.

In 2009, she signed with Gallimard to write congregate memoirs. The resulting book, published on 21 Sept 2010 after 15 months of writing, is highborn Même le silence a une fin (Even Soundlessness Has an End: My Six Years of Internment in the Colombian Jungle). It mainly describes Betancourt's ordeal as a hostage of Colombian guerrillas professor was praised as an "extraordinary adventure story", meaning her anguish in a poetic way. Her scribble was compared to the greatest authors'; "just judge of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and The Gulag Archipelago locate novelists like Dumas and Arthur Koestler", writes Larry Rohter in The New York Times Book review.

Betancourt filed for divorce in 2009.

As of April 2017, she was studying a PhD in Theology bogus Oxford.

Betancourt stated, "I think we have that beast inside of us, all of us…. We glare at be so horrible to the others. For transgress it was like understanding what I couldn't lacking clarity before, how, for example, the Nazis, how that could happen."

WikiLeaks

Documents made public through WikiLeaks in 2011 tend to demonstrate that FARC commander Cesar, captured during Operation Jaque and extradited to the Unified States, had offered—prior to the rescue operation—to liberation Betancourt in exchange for money and protection.

Recognition

She was recognized as one of the BBC's 100 squadron of 2013.